Economic uncertainty and a growing ethical cloud over campaign practices may impact some legislative races next fall. However, far more political futures will be changed by the constitutional mandate to redraw the boundaries of Wisconsin's 132 legislative districts and those of its congressional delegation. Powerful impactRedistricting has a powerful impact on personal and partisan fortunes. As in most states, redistricting in Wisconsin is a potent form of term limits. The election year in which the new districts are drawn is marked by a sharp increase in legislative retirements as lawmakers opt not to seek re-election in districts that are new or less favorable to them. Others who try are defeated. Redistricting can also alter partisan fortunes as sections of the state that voted reliably for one party lose seats to areas more supportive of the other. Wisconsin's Constitution assigns the task of redistricting to the legislature and for the first 75 years of statehood the legislature discharged it. Over the last 80 years, however, reapportionment has been more contentious and the legislature has done it less often. Legislative districts went unchanged in Wisconsin for the 30 years between 1920 and the mid 1950s as rural legislators used inaction to delay the shift of political power to Milwaukee as a result of its growing population. Since 1960, state or federal courts have drawn the lines most of the time because the Democrats and Republicans in the legislature were unable to agree on a plan. Congressional redistricting has generally elicited less controversy in part because population shifts have a lesser impact on districts of 600,000 than on much smaller legislative districts (about 54,000 for an Assembly District and 162,000 for a State Senate seat). Moreover, legislators have less at stake in congressional districting and have been more willing to accept compromises negotiated. Rules changedRules for redistricting have also changed. Wisconsin's Constitution included a requirement (yet to be repealed) that Assembly districts follow county lines and that no county be split between two districts. That made it impossible for districts to be nearly equal in population. Beginning in 1972, following rulings by federal courts that legislative districts have an equal number of inhabitants, legislative and congressional district lines have divided counties, cities, and even towns to achieve this equality. Courts have also ruled that districts should avoid diluting the political voices of voters of minority groups by spreading communities with concentrated minority populations among several districts. For example, several Native American tribal communities and reservations in Northeastern Wisconsin have remained together in the same Assembly District. Re-mapping legislatureIn Wisconsin, the unofficial deadline for this task is June of 2002, when candidates are permitted to circulate nomination papers for the next general election. The task of redrawing the congressional districts had looked more challenging because Wisconsin loses a seat and our delegation will shrink from nine to eight members, thus forcing at least one member of the group into retirement. However, the decision by Milwaukee Democrat Tom Barrett to run for governor may make the situation easier to resolve. Re-mapping the legislature is certain to be difficult again this time. Once again the courts are expected to have the final word. It is too early to predict the course of redistricting 2002. But its impact will be with us for the next 10 years. John Huebscher is executive director of the Wisconsin Catholic Conference.
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